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Thursday, December 1

  1. page Frederick Douglass, All Men Are Created Equal edited ... This color = note/remark from Neil or Nick Introduction: Frederick Douglass was born into sla…
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    This color = note/remark from Neil or Nick
    Introduction: Frederick Douglass was born into slavery on a Maryland plantation in 1818. He fled north in 1838 and eventually won his freedom when sympathizers in New York compensated Douglass’ owner for him. He had been taught to read as a child by his owner’s wife, and in 1845 wrote his autobiography, which received national attention and became a bestseller. Douglass was active in abolitionist politics and delivered antislavery speeches around the world. He also published his own abolitionist newspaper. In this speech to the Anti-Slavery Association in New York City, Douglass warned his audience that even though abolitionist sentiment was strong in the North, the entire country bore a responsibility for the continuation of slavery in the South. As long as the legislative and political compromises continued with the slaveholding states, all in order to preserve the Union, then the United States wasn’t living up to the true meaning of its creed that “all men are created equal.”
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    in 1848. SIKE
    Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen:
    It is with great hesitation that I consent to rise here to speak, after the able speech to which you have just listened. I had far rather remain a listener to others, than to become myself a speaker at this stage of the proceedings of this meeting. I do not hope to be able, in the few remarks I have to make, to say anything new or eloquent, for it will be time indeed to discuss new truths, when old ones shall have been recognized and adopted.
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Wednesday, February 3

  1. comment William Lloyd Garrison, No Compromise with the Evils of Slavery comment reply Ethos- he is a believer in american's freedom, speaking as an abolishonist, man, and maybe even a …
    comment reply
    Ethos- he is a believer in american's freedom, speaking as an abolishonist, man, and maybe even a father

    Logos- Uses argument by annology, refers to god/the bible and the constitution "Jeasus included them in the people for which he layed down his life for" "abolishment is a law of god"

    Pathos- Fear and empathy "children torn from hands and sold cheap, compared to beasts, diction like trampled and blood

    Purpose- To define abolishionism

    Audiance- congress men, readers of his paper, and the wider audiance is all americans who own slaves. Apeals by using phrases like "Let us" and "We will"

    Structure- he starts of strongly with his position, uses examples, defines, details

    style- annaphora, EXPOSITORY!!!, parallel structure, personification, diction, metephore, simile "If...If...If" "When...When...When..."
  2. comment William Lloyd Garrison, No Compromise with the Evils of Slavery comment added Ethos- he is a believer in american's freedom, speaking as an abolishonist, man, and maybe even a …
    comment added
    Ethos- he is a believer in american's freedom, speaking as an abolishonist, man, and maybe even a father

    Logos- Uses argument by annology, refers to god/the bible and the constitution "Jeasus included them in the people for which he layed down his life for" "abolishment is a law of god"

    Pathos- Fear and empathy "children torn from hands and sold cheap, compared to beasts, diction like trampled and blood

    Purpose- To define abolishionism

    Audiance- congress men, readers of his paper, and the wider audiance is all americans who own slaves. Apeals by using phrases like "Let us" and "We will"

    Structure- he starts of strongly with his position, uses examples, defines, details

    style- annaphora, EXPOSITORY!!!, parallel structure, personification, diction, metephore, simile "If...If...If" "When...When...When..."
  3. page William Lloyd Garrison, No Compromise with the Evils of Slavery edited ... To drop what is figurative for the actual. I have expressed the belief that, so lost to all se…
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    To drop what is figurative for the actual. I have expressed the belief that, so lost to all self-respect and all ideas of justice have we become by the corrupting presence of Slavery, in no European nation is personal liberty held at such discount, as a matter of principle, as in our own. See how clearly this is demonstrated. The reasons adduced among us in justification of slaveholding, and therefore against personal liberty, are multitudinous. I will enumerate only a dozen of these: 1. "The victims are black." 2. "The slaves belong to an inferior race." 3. "Many of them have been fairly purchased." 4. "Others have been honestly inherited." 5. "Their emancipation would impoverish their owners." 6. "They are better off as slaves then they would be as freemen." 7. "They could not take care of themselves if set free." 8. "Their simultaneous liberation would be attended with great danger." 9. "Any interference in their behalf will excite the ill-will of the South, and thus seriously affect Northern trade and commerce." 10. "The Union can be preserved only by letting Slavery alone, and that is of paramount importance." 11. "Slavery is a lawful and constitutional system, and therefore not a crime." 12. "Slavery is sanctioned by the Bible; the Bible is the word of God; therefore God sanctions Slavery, and the Abolitionists are wise above what is written."
    Here, then, are twelve reasons, which are popularly urged in all parts of the country, as conclusive against the right of a man to himself. If they are valid, in any instance, what becomes of the Declaration of Independence? On what ground can the revolutionary war, can any struggle for liberty, be justified? Nay, cannot all the despotisms of the earth take shelter under them? If they are valid, then why is not the Jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies them, and that it is right to do evil that good may come, morally sound? If they are valid, then how does it appear that God is no respecter of persons? or how can he say, "All souls are mine"? or what is to be done with Christ's injunction, "Call no man master"? or with what justice can the same duties and the same obligations (such as are embodied in the Decalogue and the gospel of Christ) be exacted of chattels as of men? But they are not valid. They are the logic of Bedlam, the morality of the pirate ship, the diabolism of the pit. They insult the common sense and shock the moral nature of mankind. Take them to Europe, and see with what scorn they will be universally treated! Go, first, to England, and gravely propound them there; and the universal response will proudly be, in the thrilling lines of Cowper,
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    shackles fall!"
    Every Briton, indignant at the monstrous claim, will answer, in the emphatic words of Brougham: "Tell me not of rights; talk not have the property of the planter in his slaves! I deny the right--I acknowledge not the property! The principles, the feelings of our nature, rise in rebellion against it. Be the appeal made to the understanding or to the heart, the sentence is the same that rejects it." And Curran, in words of burning eloquence, shall reply: "I speak in the spirit of the
    British law, which makes liberty commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil--which proclaims, even to the stranger and the sojourner, that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius of universal emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what solemnities he may have been offered upon the altar of Slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust--his spirit walks abroad in its own majesty--his body swells beyond the measure of his chains, and he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled, by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation."
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Thursday, February 6

  1. page Langston, Fugitive Slave Law edited ... Background Of the Speech: - Charles H. Langston was accused of violating “The Fugitive Slave …
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    Background Of the Speech:
    - Charles H. Langston was accused of violating “The Fugitive Slave Act”:
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    laws were
    passed
    passed by the
    - He was placed on trial for 23 days in the United States District Court
    - Mr. Langston was found guilty
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  2. page Langston, Fugitive Slave Law edited ... - He was placed on trial for 23 days in the United States District Court - Mr. Langston was f…
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    - He was placed on trial for 23 days in the United States District Court
    - Mr. Langston was found guilty
    Evidence being that he rescued John
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    from Kentucky on September 13th 1858
    - He was sentenced to jail for twenty days
    The Court.—Mr. Langston, you will stand up, sir.
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  3. page Langston, Fugitive Slave Law edited ... In the midst of such excitement, the 13th day of September was ushered in—a day ever memorable…
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    In the midst of such excitement, the 13th day of September was ushered in—a day ever memorable in the history of Oberlin, and I presume also, in the history of this court. These men-hunters had, by lying devices, decoyed into a place, where they could get their hands on him—I will not say a slave, for I do not know that—but a man, a brother, who had the right to his liberty under the laws of God, under the laws of nature, and under the Declaration of American Independence.
    In the midst of all this excitement the news came to us like a flash of lightening that an actual seizure under and by means of fraudulent pretenses, had been made! Being identified with that man by color, by race, by manhood, by sympathies, such as God has implanted in us all, I felt it my duty to go and do what I could towards liberating him. I had been taught by my Revolutionary father—and I say this with all due respect to him—and by his honored associates, that the fundamental doctrine of this Government was, that all men have a right to life and liberty, and coming from the Old Dominion I had brought into Ohio these sentiments deeply impressed upon my heart. I went to Wellington, and hearing from the parties themselves by what authority the boy was held in custody, I conceived from what little knowledge I had of the law that they had no right to hold him. And as your Honor has repeatedly laid down the law in this court, a man is free until he is proven to be legally restrained of his liberty. I believed that upon that principle of law those men were bound to take their prisoner before the very first magistrate they found and there establish the facts set forth in their warrant, and that until they did this every man should presume that their claim was unfounded, and to institute such proceedings for the purpose of securing an investigation as they might find warranted by the laws of this State.
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    was at peril.—Whateverperil.
    Whatever
    more than
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    that I saidsaid, “We will
    The law under which I am arraigned is an unjust one, one made to crush the colored man, and one that outrages every feeling of humanity, as well as every rule of Right.
    With its constitutionality I have nothing to do; about that I but little and care much less. But suppose it is constitutional, what then? To tell me a law is constitutional which robs me of my liberty is simply ridiculous. I would curse the constitution that authorized the enactment of such a law; I would trample the provisions of such a law under my feet and defy its pains and penalties. I would respect and obey such an inhuman law no more than OUR revolutionary fathers did the odious and absurd doctrine that kings and tyrants reign and rule by divine right. But it has often been said by learned and good men that this law is unconstitutional. I remember the excitement that prevailed throughout all the free States when it was passed; I remember, too, how often it has been said by individuals, conventions, legislatures, and even Judges that it is not only unconstitutional, but that it never could be, never should be, and never was meant to be enforced. I had always believed, until the contrary appeared in the actual institution of proceedings, that the provisions of this odious statute would never be enforced within the bounds of this State.
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    That is the way men are carried back to slavery.
    Note:
    Pg. 59, this isAs Safire said, one must never have a perfect time to putnaked quote and Langston does a perfect job putting this quote in,
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    to the quote,then after,quote, so the reader knows the background, then further elaborates.elaborates, after.
    But in view of all the facts, I say that, if ever again a man is seized near me, and is about to be carried southward as a slave before any legal investigation has been had, I shall hold it to be my duty, as I held it that day, to secure for him, if possible, a legal inquiry into the character of the claim by which he is held. And I go farther; I say that if it is adjudged illegal to procure even such an investigation, then we are thrown back upon those last defenses of our rights which cannot be taken from us, and which God gave us that we need not be slaves. I ask your Honor, while I say this, to place yourself in my situation, and you will say with me that, if your brother, if your friend, if your wife, if your child, had been seized by men who claimed them as fugitives, and the law of the land forbade you to ask any investigation, and precluded the possibility of any legal protection or redress—then you will say with me that you would not only demand the protection of the law, and would ask them to say with you, that, these, your friends, could not be taken into slavery.
    And now, I thank you for this leniency, this indulgence, in giving a man unjustly condemned, by a tribunal before which he is declared to have no rights, the privilege of speaking in his own behalf. I know that it will do nothing toward mitigating your sentence, but it is a privilege to be allowed to speak, and I thank you for it. I shall submit to the penalty, be what it may. But I stand up here to say that if for doing what I did on that day at Wellington, I am to go to jail for six months, and pay a fine of a thousand dollars, according to the Fugitive Slave Law, and if such is the protection the laws of this country afford me, I must take upon myself the responsibility of self-protection; when I come to be claimed by some perjured wretch as his slave, I shall never be taken into slavery. And in that trying hour, I would have others do to me, as I would call upon my friends to help me; as I would call upon you, your Honor, to help me; as I would call upon you (to the District Attorney) to help me, and upon you (to Judge Bliss), and you (his counsel) so help me God! I stand here to say that I will do all I can for any man thus seized and held, though the inevitable penalty of six months’ imprisonment and one thousand dollars fine for each offense hang over me! We have all a common humanity, and that humanity will, if rightly exercised, compel us to aid each other when out rights are invaded. The man who can see a fellow man wronged and outraged without assisting him must have lost all the manly feelings of his nature. You would all assist any man under such circumstances; your manhood would require it; and no matter what the laws might be, you would honor yourself for doing it, while your friends and your children to all generations would honor you for doing it, and every good and honest man would say you had done right! (Great and prolonged applause, in spite of the efforts of the Court and marshal.)
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